Everybody wants spirituality. To be a good person means to walk in G-d's ways. How does that translate to reality? The only guidebook to spirituality that has stood the test of time is the Hebrew Bible. The Bible says that the Jews will be a light onto the nations. But if you are not a born Jew, you have to convert, which is not so easy!! If you do convert, it is a lot of work to be a Jew (three times a day prayer, keeping kosher, observing the Sabbath).
This blog will show you how to be Jewish without the work!!
Yehuda Lave is an author, journalist, psychologist, rabbi, spiritual teacher, and coach, with degrees in business, psychology and Jewish Law. He works with people from all walks of life and helps them in their search for greater happiness, meaning, business advice on saving money, and spiritual engagement.
Travelers who wish to leave or enter Israel will now have to pay for their coronavirus PCR test, the Health Ministry said on Thursday, as a first group of tourists landed in the country for the first time since the beginning of the pandemic.In order to travel to Israel, authorities required that all passengers – including those who are vaccinated or recovered – present a negative test before boarding, and take another one upon arrival.
Regarding outbound passengers, those vaccinated and recovered are not required by Israel to undergo a test before leaving, but often, airlines or regulations at travelers' destination do demand that a negative test is shown, so they have no choice and must test if they want to fly.At the moment, Check2Fly offers the tests for some NIS135 to receive results within four hours and NIS 45 for results within 14 hours. However, nothing has prevented people from getting tested at their health fund for free.But the Health Ministry has now announced that starting from June 1, everyone who arrives in Israel will have to pay for their own test, NIS 80 when booked in advance and NIS 100 without booking.
From June 10 the testing complex at Ben-Gurion Airport will be operated by the Femi Premium group and those who do not comply will face a NIS 3,500 fine.
The Three Musketeers at the Kotel
The Last, Overlooked but Still Active Front of World War II By Melanie Phillips
Analysis
Photo Credit: Bundesarchiv via Wikimediaa Commons.
The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Amin al-Husseini salute the Bosnian Waffen SS in November 1943
Our current convulsions, with the Jewish people under murderous and venomous attack both in Israel and the Diaspora, are far more momentous than many may realize.
Israel, where a ceasefire to the conflict in Gaza has been announced, remained under fire from the rocket barrages aimed at killing Israeli civilians in the final hours before it was due to take effect. Tensions over attacks by Israeli Arabs on Israeli Jews, with some ugly retaliation by Jewish extremists, remain high.
But the violence is not confined to the Middle East. There has been a huge upsurge in attacks on Diaspora Jews in Britain, Europe and America.
On the streets of European cities, demonstrators have been screaming for the destruction of Israel and chanting that the "army of Mohammed" has returned to slaughter the Jews.
Israelis living in Los Angeles say that while they were dining at a restaurant in the city, dozens of people waving Palestinian flags badly beat them after chillingly asking "who is Jewish?"
Britain's Jewish defense organization, the Community Security Trust, reports at least a five-fold increase in anti-Semitic incidents over the course of the Gaza war.
The most dramatic example was a four-hour motorcade festooned with Palestinian flags whose occupants drove around Jewish areas of North London screaming abuse. One of these thugs used a megaphone to scream: "F*** the Jews, f*** their daughters, f*** their mothers, rape their daughters and free Palestine."
These appalling events are not the result of just another conflict between Israel and the Palestinians provoking a predictable anti-Israel reaction. What's happening now is that the Palestinian war against Israel has been reframed as a war against the Jews.
Diaspora Jews are being physically and verbally attacked, their children intimidated and their synagogues vandalized.
Most of this is being perpetrated by Muslims. But it is being reinforced by extreme hostility to Israel from Western "progressives." These self-professed "anti-racists" tell themselves that they are on the side of the angels. But while they may be genuinely horrified by the attacks on Jewish people in their cities, they refuse to acknowledge that their own stance on Israel is profoundly anti-Jew.
It's not just the twisted reporting, distortions and blood libels straight from the Hamas propaganda playbook that have been transmitted round the clock by the BBC, Sky UK, the Guardian, TheNew York Times and much of the rest of the mainstream media. Worse still is the intensity of the perverse and unjustified passions with which Israel is demonized.
It's the spitting outrage that not enough Israelis are dying to justify military action to stop thousands of incoming rockets.
It's the furious and contemptuous dismissal of the fact that the Israel Defense Forces uniquely warn of impending rocket strikes against civilian targets in order to save civilian life.
It's the virulent satisfaction with which every single military action Israel takes against the Palestinians, purely to save Israeli lives, is seized upon as proof of its moral depravity.
Even though horror and outrage have been expressed over the millions slaughtered in Syria or China's persecution of the Uyghurs, those atrocities don't arouse the same obsessive and visceral passions as Israel's defense of its people's lives. It's impossible to avoid the conclusion that the explanation for this otherwise inexplicable perversity towards the Jewish state is a desire to denounce Jews simply because they are Jews.
For what is shockingly clear from this unique pathology is that there's a profound need in the West for the Jews to be proved bad people. Among the Israel-haters is a breathless eagerness for the moment when they can shout "gotcha" and then put the Jews into the public pillory.
The causes of this are undoubtedly complex. But the main reason is surely that they can't tolerate the idea that the "chosen people"—a term they misrepresent as "privileged," despite the Jews' belief that they were chosen instead for an onerous set of duties—may be morally superior to them.
So if they can't be like the Jews, they'll make sure the Jews are pulled down off their supposed moral pedestal to be just like them—or worse.
To any rational, decent individual, this may seem incredible. But the signature characteristic of anti-Semitism, which makes it unlike any other racism or bigotry, is that it is unhinged.
For a Jew, it's impossible not to hear in all this the unmistakable echoes of previous horrors—the medieval blood libel against the Jews that incited their slaughter, the centuries of Christian pogroms against the Jews of Europe and the Holocaust. While the Nazi comparison is repeatedly misused, on this occasion, it is all too justified. Indeed, it is not too fanciful to view what we are witnessing as the last, overlooked but still active front of the Second World War.
The anti-Jewish animus in both the Muslim world and the liberal West has deep roots in both Nazism and the Holocaust.
With the West demoralized after the Holocaust took place in the epicenter of European high culture, left-wing thinkers urged a total repudiation of the nation-state and core Western values as fundamentally unjust and discriminatory. This led, in turn, to the dogma that Israel was a colonial and illegitimate enterprise, Zionism was racism, and the Jews had no right to self-determination.
In the Muslim world, although Jew-hatred is rooted in Islamic theology this was given rocket fuel in the early part of the last century by the emergence of Islamism, or politicized Islam, whose foundational thinkers drew upon both communism and Nazism.
In the 1930s, Arab nationalism in Syria and Iraq modeled itself on Italian and German fascism. After the rebirth of Israel in 1948, Egypt and the Arab League recruited former Nazi intelligence officers and SS generals to help destroy the Jewish state.
The most notorious Arab Nazi was the Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Husseini, who became Hitler's ally and was pledged to eradicate the Jews of the entire Middle East if Hitler won the war. And al-Husseini's most devoted acolyte today is the current leader of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas.
In World War II, the allies fought an attempt to conquer and destroy Western civilization and exterminate the Jews.
Today, the Palestinians of both Hamas and Abbas's Fatah constantly churn out Nazi-style, murderous incitement against the Jewish people. And the Iranian regime, which funds and arms Hamas, has been at war against the West for four decades and regularly announces its genocidal intentions towards the Jews.
So today's war against Western civilization and the Jews amounts to infernal unfinished business. But unlike the Second World War, when those in the free world on the side of the fascists were regarded as traitors, such people today march on the streets of London and elsewhere arm in arm with those pledged to Islamic holy war against the Jews and the rest of the "infidel" world.
In the United States, President Joe Biden told Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that America expects an immediate and "significant de-escalation" on the path to a ceasefire. This while the rockets from Gaza were still flying against Israel. The demand was as unconscionable as it would have been to tell the British to de-escalate during the Blitz.
Worse yet, after Democrat Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) confronted Biden over the Gaza war and echoed an earlier speech in which she accused Israel of "racism" and running an "apartheid system," Biden said of Tlaib: "God thank you for being a fighter."
The heirs to the Nazis are still intent upon the same terrible aims. The difference now is that those fighting for civilization are being undermined by an enormous fifth column—and even the leader of the free world itself has become a useful idiot for the other side.
On Wednesday, Tel Aviv-Jaffa Mayor Ron Huldai issued a letter to the residents of Jaffa that may as well have been sent by the mayor of Kishinev to the pogromists back in 1905. Here are the first three paragraphs, and it should be clear that Hizzoner may be addressing all the residents of Jaffa, but don't let this fool you, he means Arabs:
Dear Jaffa residents,
Recently, the police have employed enhanced forces in the city. Alongside the important and crucial law enforcement that many residents of Jaffa – Arabs and Jews – yearn for, there have been more than a few cases of extreme and exaggerated police enforcement that harmed innocent citizens.
I wish to clarify to each and every one of you that as Mayor of this city I object to any exaggerated exercise of force against the residents of our city.
As I write this, it is important to me that you understand that I say these same words in a clear voice to the police district commander, and share with him the reality on the ground as I'm hearing it from you.
Tel Aviv-Jaffa Mayor Ron Huldai's letter to the residents of Jaffa, May 26, 2021.
Also this week, Rabbi Ezra Heiman, a manager of the Gar'in Torani and yeshiva in Jaffa, told a Wednesday emergency Knesset hearing: "We have been through hundreds of anti-Semitic acts in recent months and no indictment has been filed."
Rabbi Heiman quoted some of the dozens of messages he received from Jewish residents in Jaffa who had suffered anti-Semitic attacks, reciting catcalls they heard from Arabs such as "It's a pity they didn't finish you in the Holocaust," "We will slaughter you," "The blood of the Jews will wash the streets of Jaffa," and dozens of other horrific cries as well as praises to Hitler.
"It doesn't just end with curses and threats, but dozens of incidents of physical attacks, beatings, gas spraying, and more," Heiman told the hearing. "All the victims bore Jewish-identified characteristics, but so far not a single indictment has been filed. The prosecutor's office claims that there is no anti-Semitism in Israel."
The Tel Aviv prosecutor decided this week not to charge with hate crimes Arabs who beat up a Jewish man in Jaffa to within an inch of his life, because, as prosecution attorney Kinneret Kahan put it, "We are bound by evidence. The person who was attacked walked down the street without any Jewish characteristics. If he had walked with a kippah, Haredi clothing, the Israeli flag – the picture would have been completely different and likewise our approach."
So remember, Jewish boys and girls, when you walk the streets of Jaffa you must carry an Israeli flag, wear a yarmulke, and schlep a heavy volume of the gemorah from which you recite in a yeshivish singsong. Otherwise, anyone who punches your face is just violent, no hate involved.
"When police officers are not allowed to draw weapons against rioters – without a change in the police rules of engagement, nothing will change," Rabbi Heiman told the Knesset emergency hearing.
In 2019, hate crimes in LA County against black people fell 13%, hate crimes against gays fell 22%, and hate crimes against Mexicans fell 9%, while hate crimes against Jews rose 18%.
89% of anti-religious hate crimes targeted Jews, only 7% affected Muslims.
If you listened to the media, you would get the opposite impression with coverage that ignored antisemitism to focus on racism, homophobia and Islamophobia. A typical example of what they were ignoring was a Jewish Community Center getting a message "from a man with a Middle Eastern accent that said, 'I will kill every single Jew. F____ Jews. I will kill every single Jew.'"
Instead, California Democrats moved to impose the ethnic studies curriculum which would embed the teaching of BDS and antisemitic tropes into the educational system.
Jewish protests against this government-mandated antisemitism were ignored.
By 2020, the antisemitic wave had moved well beyond words.
During the Jewish holiday of Shavuot (Pentecost), a Black Lives Matter LA hate march marched toward Pan Pacific Park which includes a Holocaust museum. The rally headed by Melina Abdullah, an anti-Israel activist allied with Farrakhan's Nation of Islam, passed near the Fairfax area and degenerated into a race riot that assaulted Jewish stores and synagogues.
At least one of the synagogues was defaced with graffiti reading, "Free Palestine!"
Aryeh Rosenfeld, an Orthodox Jewish small business owner in the area, described hearing screams of, "F___ Jews" during the riots and looting as he tried to protect his store.
"It's no coincidence that the riots here escalated in Fairfax, the icon of the Jewish community. I saw the Watts and the Rodney King riots. They never touched a synagogue or house of prayer. The graffiti showed blatant antisemitism. It's Kristallnacht all over again," Rabbi Shimon Raichik, a Chabad Rabbi in Los Angeles, wrote.
"The attack on our community last night was vicious and criminal. Fairfax is the center of the oldest Jewish community in Los Angeles," Councilman Paul Koretz said. "As we watched the fires and looting, what didn't get covered were the anti-Semitic hate crimes and incidents."
"We've been very deliberate in saying that the violence and pain and hurt that's experienced on a daily basis by black folks at the hands of a repressive system should also be visited upon, to a degree, to those who think that they can just retreat to white affluence," Melinda Abdullah, the BLM-LA co-founder, had warned.
Abdullah, a Farrakhan supporter, was also a major backer of the ethnic studies curriculum.
The Shavuot BLM Pogrom saw multiple Jewish synagogues and schools vandalized, and stores attacked and ransacked, with virtually no mention in the media or by Jewish organizations.
The ADL covered up the pogrom by falsely accusing me of engaging in "disinformation". It smeared FrontPage as "a right-wing conspiratorial and Islamophobic online magazine", dismissed the Orthodox Jews who had come face to face with BLM hate, and argued that calling the antisemitic attacks a pogrom "irresponsibly engenders fear and division".
This Shavuot it happened again.
As the Jewish State fought to protect itself against Hamas and PLO terrorists, dueling pro-Israel and pro-terrorist protests and car rallies were held in Los Angeles.
This time the perpetrators of the Shavuot violence were Muslims wearing keffiyahs and brandishing PLO terror flags in one of the pro-terrorist car rally pickup trucks. The location of the violent attacks caught on video was once again in the vicinity of Beverly Grove.
The Muslims reportedly harassed diners, shouting antisemitic slurs, and demanding to know if any of them were Jewish. They then assaulted a group of Persian Jews, whose families had fled Muslim repression in Iran, who, along with an Armenian friend, fought the Islamist thugs.
One of the victims had to be hospitalized.
Another video showed an Orthodox Jew being chased by pro-terrorist car rally pickup trucks flying PLO flags.
Similar pro-terrorist convoys had been linked to antisemitic attacks in the UK including one in which a mother carrying a 4-year-old girl were chased down the street in London.
Pro-terrorist rallies had already exploded into violence against Jews in Toronto, in New York City, and in Washington D.C. In Seattle, Antifa members burned an Israeli flag, chanted in support of the terrorist 'intifada' and assaulted a Jewish journalist. A Persian synagogue in Skokie, Illinois was vandalized by a man carrying a PLO terrorist flag. In Bal Harbour, Florida, a Jewish family was harassed by thugs in an SUV screaming, "Die Jew" and "Free Palestine".
Black Lives Matter Los Angeles, whose hate rally was linked to the previous Shavuot pogrom, posted material promoting the anti-Israel protest by the 'Palestinian Youth Movement'. The PYM protest apparently included the thugs involved in the antisemitic assault over Shavuot.
BLM-LA's Melina Abdullah posted a talk on Israel by Kwame Ture, the black nationalist racist, who had declared, "The only good Zionist is a dead Zionist, we must take a lesson from Hitler."
While all sorts of statues have been toppled and public figures canceled, Abdullah and Black Lives Matter Los Angeles will never be touched no matter how much hate they spew.
Or their proximity to antisemitic violence.
It may be a coincidence that the Jewish holiday of Shavuot in 2020 and 2021 has witnessed antisemitic attacks against Jews in Los Angeles. But it's more likely that it's not.
Too many Jewish organizations have failed to stand up to antisemitism.
The silence over the BLM Shavuot pogrom in 2020 helped lead to the violence in 2021.
When antisemitic hate and violence are met with silence, then more of the same will come. It doesn't matter whether it's Black Lives Matter, the Groypers or Hamas. Silence is complicity.
And the only thing worse than silence is actively standing with antisemitic movements.
That means defending those movements, covering up for them, and dismissing their hate. As alt-right vans drive around flying PLO flags and BLM backs Hamas, it's time to recognize the essentially holistic nature of antisemitism whether it involves Israel or Jews anywhere else.
Two years of antisemitic violence in Los Angeles around the same Jewish holiday ought to be a wake-up call about the dangers of covering up antisemitism because it's politically correct.
Yehuda Lave is an author, journalist, psychologist, rabbi, spiritual teacher, and coach, with degrees in business, psychology and Jewish Law. He works with people from all walks of life and helps them in their search for greater happiness, meaning, business advice on saving money, and spiritual engagement.
From Jerusalem Post: Israel will lift almost all the remaining coronavirus restrictions starting on June 1, the Health Ministry announced Sunday night. The number of active cases in Israel has dropped to 500, compared with 88,000 at the peak of the pandemic, it said.In light of the significant drop in morbidity, Health Ministry Yuli Edelstein said the ministry would not seek to renew regulations that require businesses and venues to operate either under the Green Pass or the Purple Standard systems, which are due to expire on May 31.
The question of whether to eliminate the obligation to wear a mask indoors is currently being debated by experts and officials. A decision is expected within the next few days or weeks."Israel is going back to normal," Edelstein said. "Less than half a year ago we started the vaccination campaign. Thanks to the excellent work of the health system – health funds, hospitals, MDA, Magen Israel and employees of the Health Ministry – and thanks to the amazing mobilization of Israeli citizens, we have carried out the best vaccination campaign in the world."
The Three Musketeers at the Kotel
Thousands of Israeli Jews Purchasing Guns following Guardians of the Walls Pogroms
According to Israel's Homeland Security Ministry, in the last two weeks, since the riots in the mixed cities, more than 2,700 civilians have applied for a firearms license.
In Israel, there are currently about 145,000 civilians with a personal weapons license, in addition to the security forces. Homeland Security Minister Amir Ohana recently extended a regulation that allows security guards to carry their weapons outside work hours. Ohana advocates making weapon possession easier, and last week tweeted: that "law-abiding citizens carrying weapons are a force-multiplier for the authorities, for immediate neutralization of threats and danger." The police appear to support Ohana's position.
The right-wing NGO B'Tzalmo posted a call to the residents of the mixed cities Lod and Ramla, where many of the Arab riots against Jewish homes and individuals had taken place, to seek the group's assistance in acquiring a weapons license. The message read:
Residents of Lod and Ramla we are with you!
We undertake to represent free of charge any citizen who has graduated from military or national service who has applied for a weapon and was refused.
So go ahead and apply for a gun license, it's simple and easy!
Share and tag this post, dear residents of Lod and Ramla!
In addition, as you understand, the cost of our fight is particularly high, since it is not a simple legal battle. We would be happy for any financial help in this matter.
So, kind of free of charge.
A senior law enforcement official told Haaretz that "the number of requests is enormous but makes sense in light of the security situation in the country." According to him, the requests express "the public's fear that in the moment of truth the police will not be there, and they prefer to defend themselves in case of danger to life. After the images we've seen in Lod, Ramla, and the Arab Triangle and the Negev, it makes sense for citizens to want to arm themselves to protect themselves and their families."
Weapons stores across the country are reporting "hysterical" sales, according to Kan 11 News, with a rise of hundreds of percent in applications for a firearms license. Naftali Miller, of the Aroma Arms Tactical weapons company, told Kan 11, "People really feel that something is happening here. They feel they want the ability to defend themselves if they'll have to."
Gun ranges around the country have been booked solid, and it's been difficult to find a free target.
Gun laws in Israel are comprehensive despite soldiers being allowed to carry their service weapons on or off duty. Civilians must obtain a firearms license to lawfully acquire, possess, sell or transfer firearms and ammunition. In 2018, Israel significantly loosened firearms restrictions, allowing all citizens who had undergone combat training and qualified in Advanced Infantry Training (Rifleman 07) to apply for a private handgun license.
Those holding firearms licenses must renew them and pass a shooting course every three years. Security guards must pass these tests to renew their license to carry firearms belonging to their employers. Applicants must demonstrate that they have a safe at their residence in which to keep the firearm. Permits are given only for personal use, and holders for self-defense purposes may own only one handgun and purchase an annual supply of 50 cartridges (although more may be purchased to replace rounds used at a firing range).
Most individuals who are licensed to possess handguns may carry them loaded in public, concealed, or openly.
In recent years, criteria for obtaining a firearms license have been added, and today most applications are based on the criteria of service in a combat unit and residence in a locality near a fence or settlement.
The Ministry of Internal Security stated this week that "all the applications submitted have been received at the division's service center and will be examined in the coming days prior to their transfer for further processing by the district licensing bureaus."
According to data from the Homeland Security Ministry, about 60% of the applications are granted. The rest are rejected due to non-compliance with the criteria, refusal by the police to grant the license or opposition from the Ministry of Health.
Since the beginning of the Arab riots in Lod, the police have confiscated dozens of licensed weapons from Jews who came to the city to help the Jewish community defend itself. The police mainly fear that a Jew would use his weapon in a way that would lead to an escalation of the situation. Four Jewish residents of Lod were arrested on suspicion of murdering a resident of the city, Musa Hasson, who reportedly attacked them with a Molotov cocktail. The four, who carried licensed weapons, were detained for three days and released on restrictive conditions, and are being charged with negligent manslaughter.
Almost Like Being in Love - from "Brigadoon" (1954) - Gene Kelly
America is going through convulsions that may destroy it as the country we and the world have known for more than two centuries.
For all its flaws – virtually all of which were not unique to America but universal throughout human civilization – America has been regarded more than any other nation in modern times as a force for good in the world.
When a country is hit with a severe earthquake, its people do not look first to France or Germany – let alone to Russia or China – for assistance. They look to America. When bad people invade a country, the people of the invaded country hope and pray America will come to their aid. And for more than a century, when beleaguered people saw American troops, they generally danced with joy.
When people in any country in the world want to better their lives, whether in terms of freedom, human rights, or economic opportunity, they think of immigrating to America more than to any other country.
Approximately 340,000 Africans came to America as slaves. But millions of Africans have come to America because they wanted to. To these millions and to many millions of Africans who have not been given visas to immigrate to America, America is the land of systemic opportunity, not systemic racism.
The only people to deny these facts are America's homegrown America-haters. They see America as a force of evil at home and abroad.
So, too, they deny that on the planet called Earth, without a credible threat of American intervention, evil triumphs. In addition to America's seminal contribution to vanquishing German and Japanese fascism, had America not won the Cold War, communism would have destroyed millions more lives than the more than 100 million it did.
Had America not sacrificed 37,000 of its finest young men, all of Korea would be the giant concentration camp that became North Korea. Had America triumphed in Vietnam, that country, too, would have ultimately been half-free instead of entirely enslaved.
The Stalinist communists who conquered South Vietnam produced a society so hellish nearly a million Vietnamese "boat people" risked drowning, being devoured by sharks, and murdered, tortured, and raped by pirates on the high seas to leave the communist hell that followed America's withdrawal from their country.
I remember the shame I felt as an American when I saw crowds of Vietnamese who had helped America begging to be taken out of Vietnam along with American troops when the last American helicopters left Vietnam – and who were simply abandoned to their fate.
Now America is poised to do in Afghanistan what it did then – abandon the people it defended to the Islamist sadists known as the Taliban. How many Afghan boys and women will be raped when we leave? How many Afghan men will be tortured to death? Only G-d knows. But you don't have to be G-d to know that it will be a large number.
So, why would we do such a thing – again?
Three reasons are given.
One is, "We cannot stay in Afghanistan forever."
That argument is offered as if it is so self-evident that it needs no explanation. Which is probably why no one seems to offer one. But why can't we stay there "forever" if doing so saves a country and tells the world that America sticks to its commitments and protects its allies?
We have stayed in Germany and South Korea "forever." Is the world better or worse for it?
The second argument is, "We cannot nation-build." That argument, too, is offered as if it were self-evidently valid. But it's a phony argument. No one argued that we were in Afghanistan to "nation-build." We were there because 9/11 was launched against us from there. And there is every reason to assume more terror will be directed from Afghanistan if we leave. And our presence there has kept Pakistan from falling into the control of Islamists.
Bret Stephens has recently argued that we didn't go to Afghanistan "to kill Osama bin Laden, who was just one in a succession of terrorist masterminds. It was to prove Bin Laden wrong about America's long-term commitments, especially overseas. In August 1996, Bin Laden issued his notorious fatwa declaring a war on the United States that he hoped would be long and bloody. He observed that, in one conflict after another, the Americans always cut and run."
The third argument is that remaining in Afghanistan costs America blood and treasure. The blood argument is emotionally irrefutable. Every American killed in Afghanistan is an immeasurable tragedy. But in the last six years, the U.S. has lost fewer than 20 service members annually in hostile engagements in Afghanistan. Between 2006 and 2018, we lost twice as many service members to training accidents than to all overseas actions.
As for treasure, we spend between $50 and $100 billion a year in Afghanistan. That is far more morally justifiable than the trillion or more dollars we have spent in the last year to bail out Democratic governors and mayors and the unions they serve.
For the record, I would have made the identical argument if Donald Trump were president and removed us from Afghanistan. But the actual withdrawal is being conducted in a different administration.
Moral arguments didn't matter to one Democratic senator in 1975. As he put it in a Senate speech on April 23: "I do not believe the United States has an obligation, moral or otherwise, to evacuate foreign nationals…. The United States has no obligation to evacuate one, or 100,001, South Vietnamese." That senator was Joseph Biden of Delaware.
To Democrats and Republicans who support the retreat from Afghanistan, I have a question: If Afghanistan comes to resemble Cambodia's killing fields, will you still think it was the right decision? Or, to put it another way: Is there any level of evil, any emboldening of America-hating Islamists, any effect of an American defeat on the world or on America that would make you regret your decision to withdraw?
What's My Line? - Groucho Marx; PANEL: Henry Morgan, Michele Lee (Apr 23, 1967)
1921 Jaffa riots 100 years on: Mandatory Palestine's 1st 'mass casualty' attack
It was 1st Holy Land pogrom since Crusades, but not the last
Among the some 150 casualties was Hebrew-language literature giant Yosef Haim Brenner, who was buried with dozens of other slaughtered Jews in a common grave in Tel Aviv
Israel last month marked its 73rd Independence Day, observed as always directly after its Memorial Day for fallen soldiers and victims of terrorism. The latter event carried a bittersweet distinction: For Israelis, the preceding year was by far the least bloody in their history — only three died in violent attacks — and the year before was second-calmest — with 11.
That these figures should be cause for celebration is an illustration of Israelis' resignation to living in an environment with no parallel in the developed world — a reality that one of their preeminent novelists and peace activists calls, bleakly, death as a way of life.
For there is no education like experience, and in its nearly three quarters of a century of existence, this country has known three wars with multiple neighbors, two more in Lebanon, three in Gaza, two intifadas and innumerable individual hostile acts. But to make sense of the conflict today it is instructive to look further back still to the events of exactly a century ago, before there was a Jewish state or even a Palestine Mandate.
On May 1, 1921, in the interlude between Britain's conquest of the land and the League of Nations' ratification of its mandate, riots shook Palestine. It was the first time since the Crusades that civilians in the Holy Land had experienced what would later be termed, with grim sterility, a mass-fatality incident. And it was, for the Zionist movement, a turning point in its perception of the "Arab question" and its own relation to armed force and retribution.
The Balfour Declaration, the British conquest of the Land and the end of the Great War had produced euphoria in the Yishuv movement — that is, the Jews living in pre-state Israel — convincing it that dreams of sovereignty in Palestine were on the brink of fulfillment. But, as Israeli historian Benny Morris writes, the "massive violence of 1921 left an ineradicable impression on the Zionists, driving home the precariousness of their enterprise."
The necessity of a strong defense — a conviction previously limited to a few diehards — now began trickling into mainstream Zionist thought.
"The Arab attacks of May forced a number of Yishuv leaders to ask — although only behind closed doors — whether the time had come to 'call a spade a spade,' i.e. to acknowledge that there did exist a genuine, widespread or intense Arab hostility," adds another historian, Neil Caplan.
For the Yishuv, the May riots marked the first step in confronting what the Israeli scholar Anita Shapira calls "the terrifying prospect of a war without any end in sight."
The mass grave of the Jewish victims of the riots of 1921. (Wikimedia commons/ CC-BY-2.5/ Dr. Avichai Teicher)
Enter Mr. Churchill
In February 1921, David Lloyd George — British prime minister during the Balfour Declaration and a committed Zionist — gave Winston Churchill a new job. A member of the wartime and postwar cabinets, Churchill was then known primarily as the man behind the disastrous amphibious attempt to choke off the Ottoman capital at Gallipoli. He would now be secretary of state for the colonies, the position most singly responsible for, among other things, Britain's Palestine policy.
A month after his appointment Churchill visited Palestine for the first time. In Tel Aviv, he met mayor Meir Dizengoff at city hall on Rothschild Boulevard, and in Jerusalem he marked the groundbreaking ceremony for the Hebrew University.
Days later, he met leaders of Palestine's Arab community at the British headquarters, Government House. Led by former Jerusalem mayor Musa Kazem al-Husseini, they read him a 39-page memorandum.
Colonial secretary Winston Churchill with Sir Herbert Samuel during a visit to Jerusalem in March 1921. (Public domain)
Compared to the Zionists' polished, well-organized and comparatively well-funded public-relations operation, the memo was an underwhelming effort. Typographical errors abounded, with the title page even misspelling "Palestine."
Jews, it said, were "clannish and unneighborly," active across the globe as "advocates of destruction" who amassed wealth while impoverishing their countries of residence. It recommended he read "the Jewish Peril," better known as the "Protocols of the Elders of Zion." The memo's tone was threatening to the extent of self-sabotage. Yet viewed in hindsight, it was also prophetic.
"The Arab is noble and large-hearted, he is also vengeful and never forgets an ill deed. If England does not take up the cause of the Arabs, other Powers will," it said. "If she does not listen, then perhaps Russia will take up their call one day, or perhaps even Germany."
As for the Balfour Declaration, it "is a contract between England and a collection of history, imagination and ideals existing only in the brains of Zionists who are a company, a commission but not a Nation."
A Palestinian protest meeting against Jewish settlement of then-British Mandate Palestine. (Courtesy Ian Black)
The Jews were scattered across the earth, said the memo. "Religion and language are their only tie. But Hebrew is a dead language and might be discarded. How then could England conclude a treaty with a religion and register it in the League of Nations? … the Arabs have not been consulted, and will never consent," it said.
If the Arabs' message was calculated to galvanize Churchill, it badly misfired. He rebuffed their pleas, telling them:
"It is manifestly right that the Jews should have a National Home where some of them may be reunited. And where else could that be but in this land of Palestine, with which for more than 3,000 years they have been intimately and profoundly associated? We think it will be good for the world, good for the Jews and good for the British Empire. But we also think it will be good for the Arabs who dwell in Palestine."
And yet if Churchill hoped his remarks would persuade the Arabs that resisting the Jewish national home was futile, he too had miscalculated. His fulsome defense of Zionism appears to have only inflamed them more.
May Day
The first of May 1921 was "May Day," the international day of labor solidarity. Two processions were scheduled for the occasion, both planned by Jews. One was by Ahdut Ha'avoda (Labor Unity), a new party headed by David Ben-Gurion and Berl Katzenelson, in Tel Aviv. Their rally was authorized.
In 1937, Labor leader Berl Katzenelson addresses a youth rally at Ben Shemen. (Zoltan Kluger/GPO)
The other, in Jaffa, was by the far smaller Socialist Workers Party, which dreamed of a Soviet Union of Palestine and had distributed flyers in Yiddish and Arabic to that effect. Theirs was not.
The twin labor marches collided in Manshiya, a mixed Arab-Jewish quarter in Jaffa surrounding the Hassan Bek Mosque. Fists flew, and one female Marxist was knocked down and suffered a bad head wound.
By then some Arab residents of Jaffa had assembled in Manshiya. They were perturbed by the rising frequency of immigrant boats docking at Jaffa Port in the few years since the British arrived and World War I ended, unloading some 20,000 Jews upon their shores. And they had come under the impression that most Jews were Bolsheviks, and that Bolsheviks opposed property, marriage and religion itself.
Jaffa Port, circa 1921-1926. (Courtesy of Nazarian Library, University of Haifa)
Two members of the nascent Palestine Police — constables Cohen and Tawfiq Bey — worked stoutly to keep their respective communities apart. Then one of their British comrades fired in the air, and in the confusion it was unclear who had opened fire and at whom.
There were now several thousand people in Manshiya, where according to a subsequent commission of inquiry, "a general hunting of the Jews began." Jews were assaulted — some fatally — in their homes and shops with blunt instruments, and afterward women, children and even the elderly came to loot. Three high-ranking Arab effendis including the mayor arrived to calm tempers but found Manshiya's main street entirely pillaged. The dead and wounded were carried to Tel Aviv's Herzliya Gymnasium, Palestine's first Hebrew-language high school.
Meanwhile, another crowd gathered at the Jewish immigrant hostel in Jaffa's Ajami neighborhood, where some 100 new arrivals were staying until they could find work. To the immigrants' relief, a pair of Arab policemen arrived. But they too began shooting at the hostel and its main gate. A superior ordered them to stop, but then went home for lunch. The officers kept firing, the gate was opened, and the mob poured in.
Some men tried fleeing into the street and were beaten to death with sticks and wooden boards. Others were killed in the hostel courtyard. One Arab policeman attempted to rape several women; other Arab neighbors gave shelter to the desperate Jews. Several hours passed before a small contingent of British troops arrived from Lod and Jerusalem.
An Arabic account of the period describes the events in rather different terms. In the telling of the fighter-chronicler Subhi Yasin of Shefa-'Amer (which the Jews called Shfaram), it was the Zionists who were the bellicose party. Their aggression was not physical but demographic and political: their unwavering determination to make Palestine their own.
Damage to a home in the city of Hadera caused during the 1921 riots. (Courtesy of author)
"Anxiety reigned over the sad fate awaiting the land and people due to the British policy that would make Palestine into the Jewish national homeland, and in the brave Arab city of Jaffa a new revolt erupted on the 1st of May 1921. Arab freedom fighters set upon the Zionist immigrants' center and killed several Jews… Dozens of Arab freedom fighters were martyred by the bullets of the British police… treacherous bullets fired to protect the Jewish aggressors," Yasin wrote.
A year earlier had seen an attack in Jerusalem's Old City on the Muslim festival of Nebi Musa, and against the one-armed warrior Joseph Trumpeldor and his comrades at Tel Hai in uppermost Galilee. However these strikes, while shocking to the Yishuv, had inflicted death tolls in the single digits — five and eight respectively.
Moreover, the earlier incidents had occurred under a temporary military administration left over from the war, which was considered both hostile to Zionism and ill-equipped to maintain law and order. The 1921 assault played out under a new, civil administration headed by Herbert Samuel, who as the first Jew in Britain's Cabinet had been crucial in laying the groundwork for the Balfour Declaration four years prior.
Worse, this time it was on an utterly different order of magnitude. By day's end, 27 Jews were dead and more than 100 were wounded. Moshe Shertok (later Sharett), a Zionist activist from Palestine then studying in London, wrote his siblings back home: "The catastrophe " — the shoah, in Hebrew — "came abruptly."
Palestinian Arabs gather at the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem, in an anti-Zionist demonstration on March 8, 1920, prior to the Nabi Musa holiday on which violent rioting took place. (Public domain)
The second day
In the Jaffa satellite village of Abu Kabir, Arabs were massing near the grand, faded 19th-century home that locals called the Red House. A family of recent immigrants from Russia had rented it from an effendi named Mantoura. They ran a dairy farm and sublet rooms on the upper floor. Four of the boarders at the time were writers; one was Yosef Haim Brenner.
Brenner, himself Russian-born, had been in Palestine over a decade and was among the pioneers of modern Hebrew literature. His work tussled with the same questions occupying so many Jews at the time: faith or doubt; separateness or universalism; sensuality or asceticism; Hebrew or Yiddish; Old World, New World or Old-New Land. He wore a shabby black wool coat and left his hair and beard long. He seemed an amalgam of a character in Hasidic legend and what the Russians called a yurodivi, a holy fool.
Author Yosef Haim Brenner, who was murdered in the 1921 Jaffa riots. (Public domain)
Brenner admired the Arabs' rootedness in the land, but likened them to a dormant volcano. An ardent Zionist, he nonetheless feared Palestine could never provide the safe haven for Jews that the movement's founders envisioned: "You want to provide refuge for an injured sparrow in a rooster's coop?" he wrote.
"Tomorrow, perhaps, the Jewish hand writing these words will be stabbed, a 'sheikh' or 'hajj' will drive his dagger into it in full view of the English governor," he had written shortly before, "and that Jewish hand will be unable to do anything… for it does not know how to hold a sword."
The day after the Jaffa riots, Brenner and his fellow boarders determined the Red House was unsafe and left for Tel Aviv on foot. At the time, rumors were circulating that Jews had killed Arab children. The gossip was exaggerated but not without some basis: In Manshiya Jews were found beating a number of Arabs, including a woman and a boy.
Brenner's group got as far as the nearby Sheikh Murad cemetery, where mourners were burying policeman Mahmoud Zeit's son, killed the day before in unclear circumstances. A lynching ensued: Four of the Jews were killed with rods and hatchets; two others, including Brenner, by gunfire. His body was found the next day, face down and naked below the waist.
"A horrible murder," investigators later wrote, describing him as a "Jewish author of some repute." Brenner's group and dozens of victims from Jaffa were buried in a common grave at Tel Aviv's one and only cemetery.
The Haganah — the Jewish self-defense group founded just the year before — forbade acts of revenge, but not all its members were inclined to listen. History would record the May 1921 riots as not just the worst blow yet landed to the Zionist settlement enterprise, but the first time Jews from the Yishuv launched acts of revenge.
A monument to victims of the 1921 rioting in Tel Aviv. (Courtesy of Nazarian Library, University of Haifa)
A person identified in the Haganah archives only as "A.S." recalled that on the riots' second day, he called together eight volunteers, all armed with automatic weapons. He told them to break into Arab homes and destroy everything, sparing only small children. They achieved "good results," he said.
History would record the May 1921 riots as the first time Jews from the Yishuv launched acts of revenge
A baker named Ibrahim Khalil al-Asmar said Jews entered his home, beat him with wooden sticks and pointed a revolver at him. In Yiddish he pleaded: "I have not been out; I have not done anything." Eliyahu Golomb, father of the Haganah, confirmed that one of the group's members had gone rogue and killed a hunchbacked Arab, with his children, in an orange grove. "The Jews are doing terrible things," wrote a student at the Herzliya Gymnasium.
The official Haganah history book notes there was "a grain of truth" to allegations of Jews, including at least one policeman, shooting Arab civilians. The assailants were acquitted for lack of evidence, the book observes, "but the deeds themselves were done."
The riots spread to other Jewish villages — Kfar Saba, Rehovot, Hadera — causing extensive damage but no casualties. On May 5, a massive contingent of Bedouin reported to be several thousand struck Petah Tikvah, killing four Jews, wounding a dozen more and requiring British air strikes to quell. A Jewish architect working for the British used his connections to "lend" the Haganah weapons from the Jaffa armory (the ruse was revealed just last year).
It was nearly a week before order was restored. At least 100 people were dead, almost equally split between Jews and Arabs, with some 150 Jews and 75 Arabs wounded. As far as could be discerned, the fallen Jews were all killed by Arabs. Of the Arabs killed, the majority succumbed to the bullets and bombs of British troops and police. How many, innocent or complicit, were slain by Jews will likely never be determined.
Farmers in 1937 on their way to cut fodder in the fields of Kibbutz Givat Brenner, named after Hebrew-language Yosef Haim Brenner who was killed in May 1921. (Zoltan Kluger/GPO)
Palliatives
The same day that order was restored, High Commissioner Samuel appointed a commission of inquiry headed by Thomas Haycraft, the jurist newly arrived from the island of Grenada to serve as the inaugural chief justice of Palestine's supreme court.
Photo taken at the Cairo Conference of 1921. Seated: from right: Winston Churchill, Herbert Samuel. Standing first row: from left: Gertrude Bell, Sir Sassoon Eskell, Field Marshal Edmund Allenby, Jafar Pasha al-Askari. (Wikimedia commons)
And just a day after that, Samuel named Hajj Amin al-Husseini, a relative of the former mayor, as mufti of Jerusalem. The younger Husseini had fled the country the year before amid allegations of inciting the Nebi Musa riots, but Samuel had subsequently pardoned him as a goodwill gesture. Now he was on track to be the most powerful man in Arab Palestine (within months Samuel created a Supreme Muslim Council, which Amin soon headed too), with consequences more profound than anyone at the time conceived.
Further palliative measures followed. To conciliate the Jews, a small number of arms were distributed to each Jewish community — a British wink at the technically illegal Haganah. To conciliate the Arabs, Samuel temporarily suspended immigration, and a handful of ships were forced to return to Europe with their despondent migrants. Ben-Gurion, on a fundraising trip to London when the riots broke out, would need to wait three months to return.
In a speech in Jerusalem a month after the riots, Samuel labored to calm nerves. The Jews, however, quickly realized that his words were aimed not at allaying their anxieties but the Arabs'. The high commissioner affirmed he would "never impose upon them a policy which the people had reason to think was contrary to their religious, their political, and their economic interests," and in any case "the conditions of Palestine are such as do not permit anything in the nature of a mass immigration."
The assurances failed to placate Arab fears.
Hitler hosts Grand Mufti Haj Amin al-Husseini in 1941 in Germany. (Heinrich Hoffmann Collection/Wikipedia)
"The bloodshed which occurred in Jaffa and the Bolshevik principles which the Jewish immigrants are spreading in Palestine are but the natural result of the Balfour Declaration," warned the Jerusalem newspaper Bayt al-Maqdis. "In this critical hour we once again appeal to the Government to retract that Declaration and that policy, before the situation worsens and the Government finds itself unable to quench the fires of disorder."
We cannot patiently watch our homeland pass into others' hands. Either us or the Zionists!
"We cannot patiently watch our homeland pass into others' hands. Either us or the Zionists!" said members of the Palestine Arab Executive. "There is no room for both elements struggling together in the same area. The laws of nature require that one side be defeated… There is no escaping the fact that one of us must win."
'Much to revenge'
The Haycraft Commission worked for 10 weeks and heard nearly 300 witnesses. That autumn it issued its report. It attributed the instigation of the slaughter squarely to the Arabs, castigating their "savagery" and "brutality." The Jews acted with equal ferocity, it contended, "but they had much to revenge [sic]."
After deploring the violence, the commission laid out its causes. Arab fury, it concluded, came from fears of Jewish demographic, economic and political domination. It said the Zionist leadership had failed to allay the Arabs' fears — on the contrary, it had only magnified them — and recommended Britain clearly and publicly enunciate its plans for Palestine.
That enunciation came in the form of the 1922 White Paper, known to posterity as the Churchill White Paper but largely written by Samuel himself. It reaffirmed the Balfour Declaration's vision of a Jewish national home in Palestine, but rejected any idea of creating a wholly Jewish Palestine, one "as Jewish as England is English." Such a project would be impracticable, it said, and was not Britain's aim. Crucially, it determined that immigration should continue, but only insofar as allowed by the country's "economic capacity… to absorb new arrivals."
From left, Lords Edmund Allenby, Arthur Balfour and Sir Herbert Samuel, at Hebrew University in 1925. (Library of Congress)
The Zionists were irate, but for his part Churchill remained devoted as ever to their program. In parliament a month later, he chastised colleagues who would bin Balfour.
Yes, he acknowledged, there had been sporadic violence, but even a million pounds a year would not be too high a price for Britain's "guardianship of this great historic land, and for keeping the word she has given before all the nations of the world."
Palestine's development was a boon to the British Empire as much as to the Arabs, he reiterated.
An alleyway leading to Jaffa Port, circa 1921-1926. (Courtesy of Nazarian Library, University of Haifa)
"I am told that the Arabs would have done it themselves. Who is going to believe that? Left to themselves, the Arabs of Palestine would not in a thousand years have taken effective steps towards the irrigation and electrification of Palestine. They would have been quite content to dwell — a handful of philosophic people — in the wasted sun-scorched plains, letting the waters of the Jordan continue to flow unbridled and unharnessed into the Dead Sea," Churchill said.
Shortly after, Churchill again hosted Palestinian-Arab leaders in London. Again he rejected their demands for self-government and the abrogation of the national home.
"The British Government mean to carry out the Balfour Declaration. I have told you so again and again. I told you so at Jerusalem. I told you so at the House of Commons the other day. I tell you so now… We intend to bring more Jews in. We do not intend you be allowed to stop more from coming in," Churchill said.
'Calamity'
Publicly, Zionist leaders continued to insist the riots had been the work of a few criminals, or a handful of effendis anxious that their capacity to exploit Arab peasants was being imperiled. Certainly, they assured the British, there was no consolidated Palestinian-Arab national movement to speak of.
Ben-Gurion exemplified the predominant denial of the time. Throughout the 1920s, he continued to insist Arab opposition was a small-scale phenomenon, to be overcome by educating the Arab masses on the brotherhood of the working classes and the material benefits of Zionism.
Illustrative: David Ben Gurion, left, and Yitzhak Ben Zvi, right, as law students in Turkey in 1912. (photo courtesy the GPO)
One Zionist leader in Palestine, Jacob Thon, dissented. Blaming the outburst on the effendis was fine as a tactic, he said, but "between ourselves, we should realize that we have to reckon with an Arab national movement. We ourselves — our own [actions] — are speeding the development of the Arab national movement."
Another dissenter was a new immigrant from Germany, fast climbing the Zionist ranks, named Haim Arlosoroff. It was true, he wrote, that by European standards Palestine lacked a recognizable Arab national movement. Arab education was too undeveloped, its commerce too limited, its industry non-existent. The Arabs had too many squabbles: Effendi against peasant, Muslim against Christian, family against family. Religion moved the masses more than any notion of nationhood. Under such circumstances, he reckoned, no recognizable national movement existed, nor could it anytime soon.
Between ourselves, we should realize that we have to reckon with an Arab national movement
But denying something was afoot among Palestine's Arabs was a grave mistake, "like a doctor who stands at the bedside of a patient wallowing in malarial fever and denies the existence of the disease because the patient's blood does not resemble those he is used to seeing under his microscope," Arlosoroff said.
Is there an incipient Arab movement in Palestine? "There is," Arlosoroff concluded, bolding the text for emphasis, and dismissing its significance would bring "calamity."
The aftermath
The relative calm that followed the 1921 riots allowed the national home to progress. In summer 1922 the League of Nations Council confirmed the draft of the Palestine Mandate, and a year later it came into effect. Fulfilling Zionist hopes and labors, the Mandate's text enshrined the Balfour Declaration's call facilitating the Jewish national home, while at the same time safeguarding Arab civic and religious — but not, explicitly, political — rights. Lord Balfour himself visited in 1925 to inaugurate the Hebrew University, and the Jews feted him with a gourmet picnic in Petah Tikvah in the same field where blood had run four years before.
Lord Balfour, seated at head of table, banqueting in the spot where the riots had taken place in 1921. Chaim Weizmann, future first president of Israel, can be seen in the foreground. (Courtesy Weizmann Institute)
By decade's end, the placidity had proven an illusion. The year 1929 brought massacres in Hebron and Safed that surpassed anything seen in 1921. And spring 1936 saw the eruption — once again, in Jaffa — of the Great Arab Revolt, Palestine's first "intifada," which flamed not for days but three years, leaving not dozens but more than 500 Jews dead, along with several hundred British personnel and several thousand Arabs.
A war for the ages
It is an intriguing counterfactual exercise to ponder how Zionist leaders of a century ago might react if they knew that in 2021, despite a handful of peace deals, the Arab-Jewish war rages on. For some, such as Herbert Samuel or the American head of Hebrew University Judah Magnes, the thought of potentially endless strife was too dreadful to contemplate and justified significantly rolling back Zionist ambitions – above all, on the pace of immigration – for the sake of peace. For others, it was an unnerving but unavoidable reality to be confronted without illusions.
Ben-Gurion's own evolution on the question came around the late 1920s or early 1930s. By the mid-'30s he appears to have concluded that Jewish and Arab aspirations for Palestine were mutually exclusive, condemning both to a "war of life and death" unlikely to subside anytime soon.
Illustrative; Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, Southern Front Commander Yigal Allon (to his right) and Yitzhak Rabin (between them) pictured on the southern front during the 1948 War of Independence. (IDF / Wikipedia)
Shortly before the outbreak of the 1936 Arab Revolt, Ben-Gurion confided to Magnes that the difference between them was that the latter was prepared to sacrifice large-scale immigration for peace, while to him, for whom peace was also dear, the imperative of Zionism stood above all others. To the Arab intellectual George Antonius, he said, "If we have to choose between pogroms in Germany and Poland, and in Palestine, we prefer the pogroms here."
And at the peak of the Arab Revolt, 10 years before Israel's birth, Ben-Gurion gave a remarkably candid address to colleagues, one that surveyed the future with a mix of nearly fatalistic acceptance and determination.
The Arabs are not to blame if they do not want this country to stop being Arab… our enterprise is aimed at turning this land into a Jewish one
"Let us not delude ourselves: We are facing not terror but war. This is a national war the Arabs have declared upon us. Terror is just one of its means," Ben-Gurion said.
"There are two peoples" in Palestine, Ben-Gurion said, drawing out the key words for weight. "The Arabs are not to blame if they do not want this country to stop being Arab… our enterprise is aimed at turning this land into a Jewish one."
The Jews faced not an uprising of hundreds of armed men, nor even of thousands, but of the entire Arab people, he said. They should expect years of armed conflict; they should assume the struggle against them will grow fiercer.
"We have losses, bitter losses," Ben-Gurion told them, "and they may continue for perhaps hundreds of years."
Oren Kessler is a Tel Aviv-based writer and analyst, and the former deputy director for research at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington. His first book, "Fire Before Dawn: The First Palestinian Revolt and the Struggle for the Holy Land," is forthcoming from Rowman & Littlefield.
